But this is the peculiar trait of Pakistan’s politicians, -corrupt, greedy, dishonest and, largely, upstart. It has been the same from the beginning. The founder is said to have lamented about them as “dud coins” in his pocket. “The British Papers” published by Roedad Khan is full of revealing evidence about the chicanery, double-dealing and wanton corruption of political leaders. Even those, not having a greasy palm as such, take active part in conspiracies to topple governments to pursue their own particular agenda.
The greed for pelf and perks of the office spurs impatience among politicians. They see the people in power engaged in wanton loot, starting big businesses, buying property in London, going on shopping sprees to world’s capitals and staying in 5-star hotels, at the taxpayers’ expense and writhe with agonizing jealousy. They can’t wait for five years to have their turn.
Therefore, when there is an elected government, the politicians often conspire with and invite generals to take over. But when a general does oblige, a la Ziaul Haq, they start agitating for a return to democracy. Agitations succeed against elected governments, because the latter are, by their very nature, vulnerable. They rule not by guns but popular support, while their avarice and their limitless corruption further compound their weakness. So, when they are ousted, instead of any moist eyes, people heave a sigh of relief and hail a dictator as “saviour.”
Pakistan’s politicians follow the adage that that politics means the “use of intrigue or strategy in obtaining any position of power or control.” Therefore, when Ghulam Mohammad seized power and dismissed Prime Minister, Khwaja Nazimuddin and Speaker Tamizuddin Khan, he found many supporters among the politicians. Likewise, when General Iskander Mirza and, later, Gen. Ayub Khan declared martial law, they received widespread support from the politicians. The Jamaat-e-Islami even dragged the Quran into the field to rally unquestioned obedience behind him. “Obey Allah and obey the Prophet and those holding power among you,” it quoted.
When Ayub Khan handed over power to Yahya Khan, instead of the Speaker of the National Assembly, there was nary a squeak from any politician. And when Yahya canceled the scheduled session of the National Assembly in March 1971 and launched military operation in East Pakistan, all politicians in the western wing, as well as the JI in East Pakistan, supported his brutal action.
Bhutto was an elected Prime Minister, but political parties conspired with General Ziaul Haq and invited him to take over. And, when he overthrew Bhutto, the JI jumped onto his bandwagon capturing a few ministries. Yet, when Gen. Musharraf seized power, the same JI somersaulted into the position of a champion of democracy to oppose him!
During Ziaul Huq’s rule politicians began agitation for democracy. But when he died and the country prepared to return to democracy, the army distributed oodles of lucre among some politicians to block Benazir’s way to power. And when, nevertheless, she won to become Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, one of the beneficiaries of the army’s largesse embarked on a collision course with her as Chief Minister of Punjab. Meanwhile, Benazir also gave her detractors the opportunity, when she arrogantly rejected accusations of burgeoning corruption against her husband thus inviting her dismissal.
Come Nawaz Sharif. This time it was Benazir’s turn to settle scores through agitation. Besides, as a typical upstart suffering from inferiority complex, he tried to demonstrate his machismo by picking a quarrel with President Ghulam Ishaq Khan. Ultimately the army had to step in to boot him out.
When Nawaz fell, Benazir rose again. But she did not use the lessons from the past to improve governance. Instead, they were used to turn corruption into an art. Care was taken to leave no tell-tale evidence. That is why after years of investigation no charge of corruption could be “proved” against the suspects. Yet, she was removed prematurely, on charges of corruption and the bloodbath in Karachi.
In the elections that followed, Nawaz Sharif came to power once more, this time with more than two-thirds majority. He could do immense good to the country. Instead, he began dreaming of becoming amirul momeneen. He, therefore, removed the President and the Army Chief and had the Supreme Court’s chief justice chased out by hoodlums. Ultimately he met his nemesis in Pervez Musharraf.
Ironically, the government under Gen. Musharraf completed a full five-year term for the first time in Pakistan’s political history. The democratically elected governments had far shorter duration. Benazir ruled from 1988-1990 and 1993-996; Nawaz Sharif from 1990-1993 and 1997-1999.
Politicians, led by PPP and PML (N) had been agitating against Musharraf for a return to democracy. Therefore, when elections were held in 2008, it was generally hoped that they would have learnt from their past mistakes. The “Charter of Democracy” signed by Benazir and Nawaz gave further boost to such hope. But, almost immediately, tell-tale signs emerged to show that the political leopards had not changed their spots.
His PML (N) reduced to the status of a “regional” party in the elections, confined only to Punjab, Nawaz started agitating popular issues such as the restoration of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, to improve his political standing as a national leader. He even scored a few political points initially by dramatizing the agitation with ultimatums and deadlines. Half-baked analysts began giving him higher popularity ratings than Zardari.
Left high and dry when Zardari restored the ousted judges, Nawaz picked on another issue of purportedly national importance. This time it was to bring Pervez Musharraf to trial for high treason. And again he resorted to strong arm tactics, demanding that the parliament should agitate the issue and the government should file the complaint.
His party pulled out of the Federal Cabinet and sits in the opposition in the National Assembly. His followers fulminate against the PPP government. The mock-agitation, compounded by the buzz about unlimited corruption in the PPP government, spawned rumours about ‘Minus One Formula,’ that hinted at Zardari’s ouster.
When these rumours were quashed, gossip began about “differences” having started between the president and the prime minister, because the former was not allowing the latter to exercise his full powers as prime minister. These rumours led to speculation about “Minus Two Formula,” which meant that both Zardari and Gilani would bow out.
The reality today is that the president and the prime minister not only belong to the same party, but the former is also the party chief, while Gen. Kayani seems to prefer aloofness and on important issues he is on the same grid with the civilian government. Moreover, both Zardari and Kayani enjoy America’s support. At times, though, Zardari is judged as weak. To win US confidence, Zardari would need to improve his credentials with regard to governance.
On the other hand, in Punjab, which is Nawaz’s Achilles’ heel, the PPP as PML (N)’s coalition partner, can pull the rug from under its feet if the worse comes to the worst. But if the time should come for the US to choose between Kayani and Zardari, it would go for the former. But, then it will be “Minus Three,” (Zardari, Gilani and Nawaz), because the US has no love lost for the “ameerul momeneen!”
Nawaz Sharif should therefore refrain from rocking the boat of democracy and bide his time for the next elections.
During Ziaul Huq’s rule politicians began agitation for democracy. But when he died and the country prepared to return to democracy, the army distributed oodles of lucre among some politicians to block Benazir’s way to power. And when, nevertheless, she won to become Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, one of the beneficiaries of the army’s largesse embarked on a collision course with her as Chief Minister of Punjab. Meanwhile, Benazir also gave her detractors the opportunity, when she arrogantly rejected accusations of burgeoning corruption against her husband thus inviting her dismissal.
His PML (N) reduced to the status of a “regional” party in the elections, confined only to Punjab, Nawaz started agitating popular issues such as the restoration of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, to improve his political standing as a national leader. He even scored a few political points initially by dramatizing the agitation with ultimatums and deadlines. Half-baked analysts began giving him higher popularity ratings than Zardari.
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