Could such media liberties have been imagined during the military or quasi-civilian regimes of Generals Ayub Khan and Ziaul Haq or even during the civilian tenures of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif? Would the TV channels have been allowed, had so many of them been around in those days, to spew an endless stream of venomous comments about the country’s President, who also happened to be the army chief? Would these channels have had the gumption, had they existed in those days, to spoof the President’s personality, his mannerisms and his tone of voice so freely in comedy shows – the way they did with General Musharraf while he was in power?
When the retired general does decide to come out of hibernation, he will have a lot of explaining to do about the eight years that he presided over the country’s affairs. The one looming question concerns the way his people handled Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. The ruthless manner in which the Islamabad police pushed the chief justice around launched a wave of anger that eventually led to Musharraf’s exit. And this was the same judge, among 13 others, who had put his seal of approval on Musharraf’s coup of October 12, 1999. It is a question that must be haunting Musharraf – as to why he continued to make a series of misjudgments ever since that March day in 2007, decisions that put a spanner in the works and ended his prospects of continuing as president for another five years? Couldn’t he and his advisors have found a better way to handle the chief justice affair?
Another key question that must be troubling Musharraf’s mind now would concern his decision to cobble together the Muslim League QA and align himself with politicians who had broken ranks with Nawaz Sharif’s Muslim League and Benazir Bhutto’s PPP in their lust for power. In hindsight, his decision to choose these malcontents as his partners was not a judicious one as results of the February 2008 polls amply demonstrated. And then he went on to commit another major blunder when he promulgated the NRO – a blunder from which the nation is still reeling though he is himself not on the scene.
There has also been criticism of Musharraf’s decision to replace the country’s long-established, though not perfect commissionerate system with the Local Government setup, in which locally elected officials replaced civil servants while the police was placed under the direct control of the nazims. Musharraf had pegged his hopes on the premise that the nazim system would alleviate the common man’s problems at the basic level. The system worked in some instances but, by and large, it provided a ready opportunity to most of the nazims to serve the interests of their respective parties with even more greed. Some commentators are of the view that had Musharraf not pulled down the local administrative and judicial structures or not yielded to religious radicalism, foreign militants wouldn’t have established their bases in Pakistan’s tribal areas and would not have been attacking the armed forces and their installations at various locations in the country.
Musharraf’s concept of ‘enlightened moderation’ was perhaps a right idea at the wrong time. It would have made its mark had the conditions been different and had it been handled more imaginatively. However, given the atmosphere of growing extremism, it did not succeed in making any headway at all. It was unfortunate too that the Lal Masjid face-off developed at about the same time when the Chief Justice affair was in full bloom, having been hijacked by the lawyers and the politicians and turned into a full blast movement against Musharraf.
The highpoint in the rapid downward slide of Musharraf’s fortunes was the promulgation of Emergency on Nov 3, 2007. The general is said to have taken the decision to enforce this extreme measure, which also included a clampdown on the media, despite opposition from some of his close associates and the key western powers. He did not pay heed to their counsels then but what does he have to say in his defence now? Again, a question for no one else but the general to answer.
Musharraf may be accused by some of extravagance and cronyism in the same way that others did before him but it is also accepted that he did not interfere in administrative affairs to a great extent and that he did not misuse his powers for personal gain. To the surprise of many, he does not own any real estate abroad. His family has also made a deliberate attempt all through not to take advantage of his position and to stay out of the limelight.
We now live in democratic times; the country is in the hands of a constitutionally elected president and prime minister supported by an elected parliament. Even former Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry has acknowledged that the February elections were held under the constitution. As such, going by the battering that Musharraf has received at the hands of the media, he would be in his full rights to take advantage of the democratic freedom and launch himself into fulltime politics.
If Pervez Musharraf wishes to enter politics, despite the refutation that Maj. Gen ® Rashid Qureshi has issued on his behalf, there is nothing in the present democratic setup that can prevent him from doing so. The only obstacle in his path would be the restriction that prevents individuals who have been in government service from entering politics for two years from the date of their retirement. By this count, Pervez Musharraf would be free to hold a political jalsa any day after November 28, 2009.
It is entirely another matter of course that should circumstances arise that require the general to enter the fray in a hurry, he can always make an appeal to the country’s highest court to grant him an exemption from the two-year ban. This is all conjecture, however. For the present, we don’t know the general’s mind on the subject because he is keeping a very low profile and observing strict media silence. Any information coming out of the Musharraf household is through his friends and visitors, or through his architect Hammad Hussain, who is busy giving the finishing touches to his client’s new house near Islamabad.
Whatever his critics may say, Pervez Musharraf is sure to make a major difference as a national leader. Unfortunately, there is no other person on the horizon so far with his blend of charisma, intelligence, grace and humour. He has the fortitude to tackle difficult situations with courage and integrity and in the best interests of the country. He has a clear vision for Pakistan’s future and is all for growth and progress. He is also very strong when it comes to boosting the nation’s morale and instilling confidence – leadership traits that are in pretty short supply these days.
Let’s just hope that when Musharraf becomes a full-fledged politician, he does not gather around him self-serving political discards or disgruntled generals and bureaucrats but competent people from among the masses who have their feet on the ground and a love of the country in their hearts.
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